Santa Cruz County History - Religion & Spirituality

Santa Cruz Spirituality: Mission Period in Santa Cruz
by Paul Tutwiler

The colonization and evangelization of New Spain

For two hundred and fifty years Spaniards knew about, but did not colonize the Pacific coastal land north of Mexico. Then, for another fifty years they organized and maintained in this land scattered communities, which within twenty-five more years had disintegrated. Three hundred years of history that were almost obliterated, but which have become a romantic memory. The object of this essay is not to retell the story of the founding of the missions, even the one at Santa Cruz, but to give the reader insight into the spiritual life of the Santa Cruzans during its mission period, 1791 to 1846. Historical material about mission times is abundant, but it contains only scattered references to the spirituality of the people. I have gathered a little here, a little there to construct this narrative about the Spaniards, the Natives of the coastal area, and the Californios.

It took forever for Europeans to find the east coast of the Americas and establish a permanent presence there; from then it took Spaniards only twenty-one years -1492 to 1513 - to find the west coast, and in eight more years, by 1521, they had conquered the rich and semi-tropical land which stretched between the two coasts. Millions of people lived in this cultured land of cities, of agriculture and of silver mines, which came to be called New Spain, and which we know as Mexico. (Population estimates for 1520 vary from four and one half to thirty million according to Robert McCas, "The Peopling of Mexico from Origins to Revolution.")

In the course of building its empire Spain dispatched to faraway places colonists and, for their protection, soldiers. Spain also sent priests, missionaries, to build the strongest of all Spanish social bonds, active membership in the Catholic Church. It is generally acknowledged that the Spanish enterprise in the Americas had a twofold motivation: to place the lands under the jurisdiction of the King of Spain, and to make civilized Christians out of the inhabitants.

In New Spain, the Caribbean, and South America local churches were served by Spanish priests recruited to found and maintain them. In those days the Catholic countries had an abundance of priests, especially order or religious priests who were not tied to the local parishes in the home country. Hundreds of Franciscan, Dominican, Augustinian, and Jesuit order priests were available to go to New Spain as well as to many other far-flung colonies. Some notion of their numbers can be seen in the facts that the last of the large missionary groups to arrive in New Spain, the Jesuits, numbered 220 there in 1767, when they were expelled from the colony by royal order. (Charles H. Lippy et al, Christianity comes to the Americas, p. 115. According to the same authors, page 73, it seems that there were at that time 21 Jesuits for 30,000 native Catholics in northern New Spain.) In 1759 the Jesuits had been expelled from (Portuguese) Brazil: 670 of them. (Lippy, op cit, p. 114)

By 1570 Spanish missionaries had founded about 150 mission congregations in New Spain alone. (Lippy, op cit, pp. 34-35) In the more populous places in North and South America there were sufficient colonists to establish a religious and lay society similar to that of Spain as well as to attend to the conversion of the natives. By 1600 the Catholic Church in New Spain had built "churches splendid in both architecture and decorative art," (Peter Bakewell, A History of Latin America to 1825, p. 179) and "convents were well endowed and nuns had a life similar to that of nuns in Europe." (Bakewell, op cit, p. 178) Similar development occurred in Peru and Chile.

Away from the cities, in an extremely far-off and immense land where the colonists arriving from Spain were not sufficiently numerous to found many cities or even villages, or to take over existing ones, and where garrisons of soldiers had to be few and far between, communities had to be formed out of the existing population. It was incumbent on the Spaniards to establish financially self-sufficient communities that would foster the evangelization of the natives. The method chosen, the gathering of the natives into closed communities, came to be known as the mission system, and from its origin in New Spain it spread throughout the Spanish colonies in South America. It has been pointed out that such an endeavor was an exercise in humanism, a Republic of Plato, a Utopia of Thomas More. (Lippy, op cit, p. 43)

The Spanish Catholic culture brought by missionaries took firm root in the cities and villages of New Spain’s mountain heartland, extending out in all directions. It took years, however, to begin extending the mission system beyond Zacatecas through the great desert of the north. In 1598 the first mission in what is now New Mexico was founded by Franciscans; by the 1630s there were 25 mission congregations there. Beginning in 1632 Franciscans founded 17 missions in what is now Texas, and Jesuits in 1687 began founding a set of missions that included two establishments in what is now Arizona. Between 1683 and 1767 Jesuit missionaries organized 17 mission communities in the peninsula we now call Baja California. (Basic information is readily obtainable by Internet search engines.)

New Spain became a Catholic country. Tragically, within a century of its conquest its many millions of natives had dwindled down to less than a million and a half. They did increase, however, to about six million by 1800. It is well known that illnesses brought by the Europeans were the main cause of the precipitous loss of population in the New World. In the earliest Spanish colonies, which were in the Caribbean, the toll of native lives was even greater than in New Spain: “The frightful devastation of the native races in Española, Cuba, and the other areas of the Caribbean left the missionaries without a people to evangelize. The Church in those areas became primarily a Spanish one, with some work being done among the black slaves who were imported to replace the Indians and among the remnants of the natives themselves.” (Lippy, op cit, p. 50) Imperfect as the mission system was, it was an improvement over the original Spanish operation.

In 1810 approximately 42% of the inhabitants of New Spain were pure native, 41% were of mixed blood, more native than European, 16% were of mixed blood, more European than native, and the rest, less than 1%, were pure european. If that final figure seems too small, it helps to note that the grand total of Spaniards who emigrated to the whole New World before 1700 was about 500,000, and between 1700 and 1800 it was 53,000. None at all emigrated to Alta California between 1800 and 1810. (Sources for these counts are, in order, 1) McCas, op cit, figure 2 and table 1. McCas draws his counts from a number of experts, adding the caveat that no one can be sure about them. 2), 3) Bakewell, op cit, p. 375, and 4) H. H. Bancroft, History of California, p. 168)

The missions and the colonization of Alta California

To the north and the west of the settlements of New Spain lay a great unknown land that well into the eighteenth century Europeans commonly thought to be an island. (Rose Marie Beebe et al, Lands of promise and despair; Chronicles of early California, pp. 54-64) Taking its name from the legendary Queen Calafia, (Beebe, op cit, pp. 9-11) California became known as a long north-south strip of mountainous coast divided into two sections, Baja, or lower, and Alta, or upper. Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo took a look at Alta California in 1542 as did Sebastián Rodríguez Cermeño 52 years later and Sebastián Vizcaíno eight years after that. In spite of Vizcaíno’s report that there was on that coast a harbor (Monterey) useful along the route of the galleons that Spain shuttled back and forth between Acapulco in New Spain and Manila in the recently conquered Phillipines, nothing was done about establishing a Spanish port of call there.

It was only after another 160 years that Spanish political and commercial powers began to feel threatened by the intrusion of England and Russia along the Alta California, coast, which the Spanish crown considered jealously to be its own. To assert its rights and take physical possession of Alta California, Spanish authorities established the routes for reaching it by coastal sailing and by the overland exploratory expeditions, of Gaspar de Portolá in 1769 and of Juan Bautista de Anza in 1774. A year and a half later de Anza returned with colonists. A land route to Alta California was needed because traveling there by sea was slow and perilous. (Vladimir Guerrero, The Anza Trail and the settling of California, p. xiii) De Anza’s land route, from the east side of the Colorado River, apppeared to have the greatest potential. It depended, however, on the cooperation of the friendly natives near the Colorado River. Later these natives turned against travelers using this route, and so its practicality was lost. It has been suggested that if de Anza’s route had remained open there would have been, about 75 years later, a flood of Spanish gold miners, but as it was, no such flood materialized. (H. A. van Coenen Torchiana, p. 353)

By 1775 there were Spanish establishments including settlements, garrisons, and church congregations in San Diego, San Gabriel, San Luis Obispo, San Antonio de Padua, Carmel, Monterey, and San Francisco. All in all, between 1769 and 1823 21 missions, strung out from San Diego to Sonoma, were founded in Alta California. This land was not only the farthest outpost along the Spanish west coast of North America, but it was also a backwoods, not a frontier in the sense that the west was a frontier to the Americans of the east. The thinly spread occupation of cattle ranching was the principal means of economic support during the whole mission period.

A handful of missionary Franciscan friars, 40 in number in 1800, 37 in 1820, operated the twenty-one missions. (Bancroft, op cit, pp. 159 and 393) For some of the missions garrisons of soldiers, presidios, were close by; near others separate non-native communities, pueblos, were established. Soldiers proved to be poor neighbors to the mission natives: "The presence of the soldiers was a mixed blessing. While it kept the missionaries alive to pursue their work, it also brought the Indians into contact with some of the most corrupting and brutal elements of the Spanish world." (Lippy, op cit, p. 122)

The shape and functions of the miniature theocracy which was each Spanish mission in Alta California is well known: a plaza surrounded by a church on one side and adobe buildings containing working and living areas on the other sides. Outside and stretching for great distances, even for miles, lay the mission lands, which were to some extent cultivated, but were principally grazing fields for cattle. They were self-contained, almost self-sufficient, islands of people and activity. The inhabitants were mainly the local natives, whose semi-nomadic life had turned into village life organized and fostered by the missionaries.

The magnitude of the Alta California mission chain was small compared with that of New Spain and of South America. The total number of baptized natives present in the missions of Alta California in 1832, while the system was still going strong, was 17,000, whereas at one time the natives of the Paraguayan missions numbered 150,000, and even in New Mexico in the 1630s there were 50,000 natives in the missions. (Sources of these three counts are, in order, Paul C. Johnson, The California Missions: A pictorial history, p. 318; Lippy, op cit, p. 100; Lippy, op cit, pp. 76-77.)

Much attention has been paid in popular literature to the organization and discipline of the missions. There are also descriptions of the natives’ activities, some of which were colorful, such as the work of the vaqueros, the ranch hands. Jo Mora writes about the vaqueros who, in the early years of a mission, were perforce natives, "Especially in that very early period when the supply of white vaqueros was negligible, the padres were compelled to train neophyte Indians or give up trying to raise cattle and horses on a large scale under open-range conditions." He adds, "There continued to be some native vaqueros throughout the whole Spanish and Mexican eras." (Jo Mora, Californios: The saga of hard-riding Vaqueros, America’s first cowboys, pp. 43 and p. 86) Much could be said, too, about the role of the friars, who, in addition to their spiritual activities, had to be farmers, carpenters, masons, and even cowboys.

Group spiritualities in the Spanish and Mexican eras


Twelfth in the order of the founding of the 21 California missions, established in 1791, was Santa Cruz. This mission was 17th in the number of baptisms administered, 2,439, versus an average of 4,180, and also 17th in its headcount of cattle and horses, 4,000, versus the average of 7,891. (Johnson, op cit, pp. 316-319. These counts are from 1832) Across the San Lorenzo River from the Santa Cruz mission lay Branciforte, a rather ill-conceived pueblo founded six years after the mission with an initial population of 17 persons, undistinguished, but “mostly Spaniards,” from New Spain. (Torchiana, op cit, pp. 217-232 for the story itself and p. 226 for the identification as Spaniards)

To see the Santa Cruz mission in perspective one can look to the other end of Monterey Bay. The very first emigration of laity from New Spain to Alta California consisted of 190 people who were conducted to Monterey by Juan Bautista de Anza in 1776. Monterey, as the port and capitol of Alta California, with a population of about 200 in 1796 and 300 in 1818, overshadowed by far the pueblo of Branciforte, which had 122 residents in 1822. The mission of San Carlos in Carmel registered 3,827 baptisms, less than the average of the missions, but half again as many as mission Santa Cruz. (Sources of these counts are emigrants: Guerrero, op cit, p. 202; Monterey: Conway, Monterey: Presidio, Pueblo, and Port, pp. 47 and 49; Branciforte: Phil Reader, A History of the Villa de Branciforte, p. 15; San Carlos: Johnson, op cit, p. 318.)

The Spanish population in the early years of Mission Santa Cruz consisted basically of the two Franciscan friars stationed there. With them were a few Spanish soldiers and a mile away were the handful of Spaniards in Branciforte. The friars, along with military officers and the official in charge of Branciforte, constitute what might be called the upper class of the total community. All the rest, natives and settlers, would have to be called lower class: there was not yet a segment of society that merited the description of middle class.

Spanish piety at this time reflected the determination to survive of a church which had been buffeted for centuries by Islamic forces and was now fiercely free and fiercely loyal to the Church of Rome. Purity of faith was also valued highly: the much maligned, but certainly rigorous Inquisition was the Spanish Inquisition, not the Roman. A prominent characteristic of Spanish piety, perhaps because of the area's centuries-long tribulations, was the prominence it gave in both ceremonials and art to death and to the dead. A near obsession with suffering and death "characterized much of Iberian spirituality, with its bloody crucifix, memento mori, physical mortification … and realization of the shortness and contingency of life." (Lippy, op cit, p. 128.) The piety of the friars was a gloomy one, unlike the joyful spirit of their founder St Francis.


The largest segment of the Mission population consisted of the natives who were brought to live in the Mission compound and were baptized Catholic. From 1791 to 1824 the average number of resident natives was 388. (Torchiana, op cit, p. 248) The natives baptized by the friars, were instructed to some extent in the Christian faith, and taught their roles in Catholic ceremonies. How much Christian doctrine they internalized is the subject of controversy. It was said that in the sixteenth century century there was not yet a “proper” prebaptismal instruction, and Augustinians gave more of it than Franciscans, who did more baptisms, (Lippy, op cit, p. 40) but two hundred years later the California missions had a well developed method of instruction with written materials and lay instructors.

To do justice to the missionary process one must remember that the natives of North America did not have a single, standard belief. Some had sophisticated doctrines which competed intellectually with Christian theology; others retained the wide-spread and conceptually simple animistic faith that presented no arguments against Christian teachings. (This is suggested by Lippy, op cit, p. 17. From what little is known of the beliefs of the Santa Cruz natives, they belonged with the latter.)

Even with better instruction,

The task of translating Christian European concepts into totally alien tongues and cultures was itself daunting. Indian and European lived on different sides of a major cognitive and psychological chasm. On a superficial level the friars solved this problem by simply incorporating Spanish words, such as dios, espiritu santo, or obispo, into the native languages. At other times the missionaries adapted native terms to Christian usage, but the result was often confusing. Among many of the New World Indians, for example, the idea of sin as a personal, willful violation of a divine law that merited punishment was incomprehensible. (Lippy, op cit, p. 121)

According to the eyewitness Antonio María Osio,

It is known and well proved that the Indians of Alta California, especially the adults, who were called Christians simply because they had been sprinkled with baptismal water, were never true Catholics. They would leave their ranchería or their errant lifestyle and, out of fear, deceit, or self-interest, head for the mission that was beckoning them. They listened to the Fathers preaching the gospel, but they did not understand what was being said. The interpreters should have concerned themselves with translating the concepts which corresponded to the oratory, but they were in the same position as the other Indians. The words were foreign to them and they could only translate them poorly. And they really did not believe in the meaning of the words that they did understand, especially those regarding faith. For their strongest conviction was "What is visible is real." (Antonio Maria Osio, The history of Alta California; a Memoir of Mexican California, p. 66)

Osio’s editors refer, in a note, to others who held the same derogatory opinion about the catholicity of the natives. Removing the accusatory tone from this opinion, one is left thinking simply that the natives were less convinced than the Spaniards thought they were. One might look at it the following way:

This gap in understanding between evangelizers and evangelized may have worked in the natives' favor. The latter appeared to have accepted Christianity in its fullness, yet it was often only a veneer. This may have prevented the missionaries from fully understanding the syncretic process whereby Christianity was being mingled with native beliefs and practices, or it may have given them an excessive optimism about the success of their efforts. (Lippy, op cit, p. 122)

How many remained professing Catholics after the friars and their mission system were gone, is far from clear. Not many of the native people of Alta California remained, as is well known, due to the European sicknesses they contracted. Of those who did survive the Mexican period some returned as best they could to native ways and others let themselves be identified as Californios. Their numbers in either case are uncertain.

No discussion of California mission piety is complete without mention of devotion to Our Lady of Guadalupe or the Virgin of Guadalupe, who is said to have appeared to a native man near Mexico City in the 1530s. Over one hundred years later the Catholic Church in New Spain scrutinized the event and gave its blessing to the commemoration of it in Catholic practices and rituals. In 1754 Pope Benedict XIV declared Our Lady of Guadalupe to be the heavenly patroness of New Spain, and he approved a Mass and Office to commemorate her every December 12. ( ) Thus this devotion was part of the piety of all Catholic churches in New Spain years before the founding of Mission Santa Cruz.


Originally the term Californio was applied to residents of Alta California who were born in New Spain of parents who had emigrated from Spain. Then these and many of their descendants married natives of New Spain. The children of these, too, if they emigrated to Alta California, were called Californios. And so also their children's children, some of whom married natives of Alta California, giving rise to a fairly large society that perpetuated itself when all the Spaniards had either gone home to Spain or had died. (Leonard Pitts' The Decline of the Californios contains an abundance of information about these people, even before their decline, in the chapter entitled "Halcyon Days.") After the early days in the missions, the Californios became a kind of middle class, that is to say that they rode horses and attended to cattle, but they were exempt from manual labor, which was the lot of the native converts. (Mora, op cit, p. 67) The vaqueros Californios could be considered the first American cowboys, but, unlike the later "Texas cowboys," who were single, reckless wanderers, the Californios were married and settled. (Mora, op cit, pp. 17-19)

Toward the end of the mission period, "The spirit of provincialism in the populated areas of the north had reached such a point that the native-born wanted to be called californios and not Mexicans." (Osio, op cit, p. 185) As Jo Mora puts it,

Had you asked an old-time Californian if there was a dash, or a bushelful, as far as that goes, of Indian blood in his veins, you’d have been liable to feel the tickle of steel between your ribs and to wake up playing a harp in unfamiliar surroundings. No, sir! They were Spanish, and they'd have you know it. (Mora, op cit, p. 56)

Some of the Californios were the criminals who were sent north from Mexico to Alta California, "15 in 1825, 200 in 1829, 130 in 1830, and so on," "as a sort of Siberian work camp." They (to some extent) and their children (more fully) were absorbed into Californio society. (Pitt, op cit, p. 6)

The Californios were raised on Spanish piety, and any influence their spirituality might have retained from native roots was suppressed or forgotten because it was "unchristian." Socially the Californios were separated from the natives, who were gathered into the mission compounds; ideologically, too, they were separated as members of a superior race, gente de razón. As time went on and Californios had more children with California natives, these children were also considered Californios. (Before there were Californios the offspring of Spaniards in New Spain were called crillos, which term ultimately became creole in American usage. The term used in New Spain and Alta California alike for people of mixed blood, Spanish and native, was mestizos. Generally in New Spain and during the mission period in Alta California the more Spanish a Californio was – that is, the whiter – the higher his or her social standing was apt to be.) The faith and religious practices of the Californios were as close as possible to those of their Spanish forefathers, making allowance for different physical circumstances, such as churches few and far between, religious art of lesser, although not primitive, quality, clergy not readily available, and transportation to church by horseback. As an 1840s traveler remarked,

Religious education was observed in all homes. Before dawn each morning, a hymn of praise was sung in chorus; at noon, prayers; at about six p. m. and before going to bed, a Rosary and another hymn. I saw this on several occasions at balls or dances when the clock struck eight: the father of the family stopped the music and said the Rosary with all the guests, after which the party continued. I saw the same thing sometimes at roundups, when the old men stopped work to pray at the accustomed hours, joined by all present. (From Tales of Mexican California by Antonio Coronel, in Beebe, op citp. 448)


Compliance with church duties seem [sic] to have been as strictly enforced, in theory at least, under republican as under royal rule; and no series of regulations for pueblo or presidio was complete without the most stringent rules for such compliance. (Bancroft, op cit, pp. 659-660)

Regarding the Californios of the Santa Cruz area, there are many acounts, especially about family customs and, after 1834, property transactions, but little is to be found specifically about the practice of religion. The Californios of Branciforte and the lands close to the mission had no place to attend church services except the mission itself. Otherwise the only church and semblance of a congregation of Californios I know of in Santa Cruz County was that of the chapel built on the edge of the county on the property of Juan Miguel Anzar in Aromas and served by his Mexican educated friar brother, José Antonio Anzar, the pastor at San Juan Bautista from 1833 to 1854. (Details and sources are to be found under "Rancho Las Aromitas Chapel" in the list of associations.)

At the other end of Monterey Bay stood the presidio church, which was the parish church of the Californios there. In the beginning, there were in the congregation Spaniards, such as the soldiers of the presidio, but also some mestizos, such as soldiers’ wives. Gradually there were in it fewer and fewer pure Spanish colonists. (Conway, op cit, pp. 43-49) The bulk of the natives were attached to the mission in Carmel. The casual ways of the Californios led American and European observers to describe their catholicism as shallow, but these observers were generally too set in their ways to understand what they saw.

Mexico declared its independence from Spain in 1821, and in 1826 the new government decreed that the natives could leave the missions "provided they had been Christians from childhood, or for fifteen years; were married, or at least not minors, and had some means of gaining a livelihood." (Torchiana, op cit, p. 300) Nevertheless it appears that they tended to remain in the missions, and the mission system continued to exist substantially intact until 1834, when the Mexican government’s secularization of the property of the Catholic church took effect. The church structures remained as parish churches with priests who were awarded a regular small stipend by the government, but the huge property holdings passed into the hands of new buyers. In 1833 the Spanish born priests in the Alta California missions were replaced by priests born in Mexico. (Torchiana, op cit, pp. 321-343. These pages contain many details about the process of secularization.)

The economic system by which the missions sustained themselves, mainly the possession of large range lands for the grazing of cattle, was destroyed by secularization. The former mission lands became ranchos, small and large, which formed the physical basis of American property rights after 1846. During the Mexican period, however, they belonged to lay persons, the approximately 8,000 Californios, the gente de razón who were now the upper as well as the middle class of society. (Pitt, op cit, p. 2: count from 1826) They led a generally bucolic life: the men lived in their saddles; both men and women engaged in a hedonistic society, which is to say:

Most of their enjoyments were formalized and communal. Saint’s [sic] days and other religious holidays took a great deal of advance planning, but in most communities few days passd without either a spontaneous baile (dance), a fandango, an evening of singing and guitar playing, a cockfight, a round of bullfighting and bear baiting, or a horse race as part of the daily routine. (Pitt, op cit, p. 13)

Although the piety and religious observances of the Californios were strongly tied to the past, there was by the 1830s a new current:

Outright resistance among the communicants everywhere except in Santa Barbara left the Bishop [from Mexico] virtually penniless and paralyzed. At the same time, the new generation deliberately rejected Spanish forms of piety. Domestic devotions fell off among the male part of the population until, by the end of the Mexican regime, Sunday Mass had become an affair for women, children, and neophyte Indians; men participated in the livelier religious fiestas, but as nominal Catholics only. (Pitt, op cit, p. 4)


The year 1846, when Captain John Fremont hoisted the American flag in Monterey, marked the end of the mission system in Alta California. Gradually some of the mission churches were incorporated into American Catholic dioceses. Monterey itself became the seat of a Catholic diocese in 1849, lost this status in 1859, and only in 1967 regained it. The bishop of this and other California dioceses had to recruit American and European (especially Irish) immigrant priests as best they could. Mission Santa Cruz evidently saw its last Mexican Franciscan leave in 1844 and its first American parish priest arrive in 1853. (Torchiana, op cit, p. 376)

Californios and natives who remained Catholic were swept up by this general Catholic organizational structure. As to the natives, the new Bishop of California in 1855 petitioned the American government to grant a square league of land at each Mission "'on behalf of, and for the benefit of the Christian Indians formerly connected with the Mission.' This claim was rejected." (Torchiana, op cit, p. 389)

Branciforte, the non-mission side of the total Santa Cruz settlement, originally was populated, as was noted above, preponderantly by Spaniards, then by Californios. In the 1840s Yankees – Protestant Americans from the East - began arriving there, spelling the end of the Californios' way of life close to the mission. (Reader, op cit, p. 24) If even then there had been any chance that a Californio social structure would remain in place, it was annihilated by the discovery of gold in 1848. Hundreds of thousands of Yankee fortune seekers and similarly minded adventurers from all over the world converged on California. The Eastern Protestant Yankees had little understanding of Catholic ways in general, to say nothing of its varieties found in Alta California. (Pitt, op cit, pp. 70-74) They had little use for persons they perceived to be lazy, superstitious, and unAmerican, and so it took several decades for the Catholic Church in California to take a place among the normal and widely accepted forms of religion in the state. And when it did so, it had the marks of Irish, Italian, or Croatian Catholicism. The prominence of Hispanic or Latino Catholicism is a recent feature of Santa Cruz County. In 1970 Hispanics/Latinos accounted for 10% of the population of the county, 15% of the population of Watsonville. Thirty years later 27% of the county’s residents, 63% of Watsonville’s were Hispanic/Latino. (U. S. Censuses, which in 2000 used the category "Hispanic or Latino," and did not differentiate by country of origin.)


Bakewell, Peter. A History of Latin America to 1825. Chichester West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010.

Bancroft, Hubert Howe. The works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, Volume XIX "History of California" Part II, 1801-1824. Santa Barbara: Wallace Hebberd, 1966.

Beebe, Rose Marie and Robert M. Senkiewicz. Lands of promise and despair; Chronicles of early California, 1535-1846. Santa Clara, California: Santa Clara University, 2001.

Berlo, Robert C. "Mapping the Population History of Early Monterey Bay Area Places." Santa Cruz County History Journal 3 (1997): 62-65.
Berlo’s graphic representation of the demographics of the area is a great aid for grasping the issues.

Conway, J. D. Monterey: Presidio, Pueblo, and Port. Charleston, South Carolina: Arcadia Publishing Co., 2003.

Guerrero, Vladimir. The Anza Trail and the settling of California. Berkeley: Heyday Press, 2006.

Jackson, Robert. "Non-Indian Settlements in Spanish and Mexicam California." Santa Cruz County History Journal 3 (1997): 73-75.

Johnson, Paul C., ed. The California Missions: A pictorial history. Menlo Park, California, 1964.

Lippy, Charles H., Robert Choquette, and Stafford Poole. Christianity comes to the Americas, 1492-1776. New York Paragon House, 1992.

McCas, Robert. "The Peopling of Mexico from Origins to Revolution." 2011.
Draft of article for Richard Steckel and Michael Haines, The Population History of North America, Cambridge University Press, 1997.

Mora, Jo. Californios: The saga of hard-riding Vaqueros, America’s first cowboys. Garden City, New York: 1949.

Osio, Antonio Maria. The history of Alta California; a Memoir of Mexican California. Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press, 1996.

Pitt, Leonard. The decline of the Californios:a social history of the Spanish-speaking Californians, 1846-1890. University of California Press, 1998.

Reader, Phil. "A History of the Villa de Branciforte," Santa Cruz County History Journal 3 (1997): 17-28.

Torchiana, H. A. van Coenen. Story of the Mission Santa Cruz. San Francisco: Paul Elder & Co., 1933.

Our Lady of Guadalupe: Patroness of the Americas. 2011.
(Contains exhaustive information about the devotion to Our Lady of Guadalupe and its history.)

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